South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Road to Formulation

1) South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)

Road to Formulation

In the late 1970s, President Zia-ur-Rahman of Bangladesh proposed the creation of a regional trade bloc to foster trust, understanding, and friendship among South Asian countries. He communicated this idea to the leaders of Pakistan, India, Nepal, Maldives, Bhutan, and Sri Lanka, highlighting the necessity of regional cooperation. After shuttle diplomacy, it was agreed that Bangladesh would draft a working paper to initiate discussions among the South Asian countries.

The first meeting of South Asian foreign secretaries was held in Dhaka in 1980 to discuss the draft. Subsequent meetings were held in Sri Lanka (1981), where five key areas of cooperation were identified, and in New Delhi (1983), where these areas were confirmed. Ultimately, SAARC was formally established at the summit of South Asian Heads of State in Dhaka in December 1985, with its Secretariat located in Kathmandu.

Objectives of SAARC

SAARC comprises Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. It functions as an institutionalized regional cooperation framework, primarily focused on socio-economic and cultural development. According to the SAARC Charter, its objectives are:

To promote and strengthen collective self-reliance among South Asian countries.
To foster mutual trust, understanding, and appreciation of one another’s problems.
To encourage collaboration and assistance in economic, social, cultural, technical, and scientific fields.
To strengthen cooperation with other developing countries.
To coordinate positions in international forums on matters of common interest.
To cooperate with international and regional organizations sharing similar objectives.

Institutional Framework of SAARC

The Summit
The Summit serves as the highest decision-making body of SAARC, providing overall guidance on regional cooperation. Article III of the SAARC Charter outlines its principles and general guidelines. The Summit brings together the Heads of State or Government from all member countries, along with the Secretary-General. While it is generally held once a year, it has become customary to convene the Summit once every two years.

Council of Ministers
The Council of Ministers is the main policy-making organ of SAARC and is composed of the Foreign Ministers of all member states. The Council meets twice a year and is responsible for:

Formulating policies;
Reviewing progress on ongoing initiatives;
Deciding on new areas of cooperation and establishing additional mechanisms as needed;
Addressing other matters of general interest to the Association.

Standing Committee
The Standing Committee consists of the Foreign Secretaries of the SAARC member states and meets twice a year. Its responsibilities include monitoring and coordinating finances, determining priorities, mobilizing resources, and identifying areas of cooperation. The committee reports to the Council of Ministers.

Under Articles VI and VII of the Charter, SAARC also has six technical committees and various action committees covering areas such as Agriculture, Rural Development, Environment, Transport, Health, Population, Science and Technology, Women, Youth, and Children. Each technical committee comprises representatives from all member states and meets annually.

The Secretariat
The Secretariat, established in 1987, is the highest executive body of SAARC. It manages the day-to-day administration, implements policies and decisions, and initiates legislative proposals. Located in Kathmandu, the Secretariat comprises the Secretary-General and eight directors, one from each member state. The Secretary-General is appointed by the Council of Ministers on a rotational alphabetical basis for a three-year term, which may be extended in special circumstances. The Secretariat is supported by professional and general services staff.

Diversity of the Region: Enabler or Disabler?

South Asia, comprising Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, is one of the most densely populated regions in the world. It is characterized by immense religious, linguistic, ethnic, and cultural diversity. The region includes multiple political regimes, socio-economic realities, ideologies, and national policies, which complicate efforts at regional integration.

Religious diversity—Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism, Sikhism, and Christianity—spans national boundaries, creating both unifying and divisive influences. While geographical proximity could facilitate integration, overlapping cultural, religious, and linguistic differences often act as triggers for conflict. South Asia’s late entry into formal regionalism has further hindered progress, making it slower than other regions in adopting effective cooperative frameworks.

Debating SAARC Ineffectiveness

SAARC faces a fundamental dilemma due to two conflicting approaches to regional cooperation.

1. Amending the Charter for Bilateral Issues
Some member states, including Pakistan and to some extent Sri Lanka, argue that meaningful regional cooperation cannot occur without addressing peace and security. They advocate for amending the SAARC charter to allow discussions on bilateral conflicts, believing that political consultation is essential for effective cooperation. At the Tenth Summit, Sri Lanka’s President Kumaratunga emphasized that keeping contentious issues entirely out of SAARC discussions limits the scope of regional cooperation. Pakistan strongly supports this amendment to facilitate dialogue on bilateral issues.

2. Opposition to Bilateral Discussions
In contrast, India is firmly against any changes to the existing charter, arguing that allowing bilateral issues could cause more harm than good. Bangladesh shares this view. Nevertheless, SAARC sometimes uses informal arrangements, such as “retreats” during summits or bilateral meetings on the sidelines, to address differences between member states. While these meetings have occasionally helped lower tensions—such as after the 1998 nuclear tests—they have largely focused on economic or functional issues rather than resolving major political or territorial disputes. Consequently, the overall effectiveness of SAARC remains limited.

Region without Regionalism

South Asia has historically been a “region without regionalism.” Despite sharing civilizational links, the countries of the region hold widely divergent views on key issues and lack a common political culture. Even after decades of belonging to a regional forum, there is no consensus on fundamental norms or values, and member states have struggled to envision a shared future.

For a long time, while most regions worldwide had formal arrangements for trade, security, or development, South Asia remained an anomaly. Efforts at economic and developmental cooperation, which could have helped lift the region out of poverty, were not pursued seriously until much later. The political elites of the region did not exhibit strong neo-liberal or realist tendencies, which further delayed regional integration.

The establishment of SAARC in 1985 reflected not only a desire for cooperation but also the inability of some South Asian countries to find strategic or economic opportunities in their preferred adjacent regions—such as Pakistan in West Asia or Sri Lanka and Bangladesh in Southeast Asia. As a result, attention turned inward to the South Asian region. However, at best, these states were reluctant regionalists, lacking shared values and a cohesive vision.

Problem of Indian Centrality

An interesting aspect of SAARC’s formation was that it was initiated by the smaller states of the region, with Bangladesh playing a leading role. During the process, India was cautious and concerned that the forum could be used by other member states to exert combined pressure on issues affecting its interests. There was also suspicion that external actors might influence the regional initiative, which contributed to India’s lukewarm support for SAARC.

India’s disenchantment with SAARC persists today. Its vision of regionalism focuses primarily on economic cooperation, with the belief that if the region prospers economically, political conflicts will gradually diminish, enabling member states to prioritize development. While many SAARC members recognize the logic of this approach, Pakistan remains unconvinced, arguing that economic cooperation cannot succeed without addressing political issues first.

This divergence has led to an impasse. Unable to achieve consensus within SAARC, India has increasingly focused on trans-regional forums and partnerships outside South Asia. With its growing economy and strategic importance, India is now courted by countries beyond the region, leading to a proportional decline in its interest and engagement in SAARC.

symmetric Distribution of Capabilities

Asymmetry in size, population, and economic capacity, compounded by Indo-centrism, has been a persistent challenge for SAARC. India, being the largest and most populous country in the region, dominates in terms of physical, economic, and political capabilities. Its sheer size is often perceived as dominance, regardless of its actual behavior, casting a long shadow over intra-regional relations.

India’s neighbors argue that its role is crucial for the success of regionalism, but only if it adopts a benign and low-profile approach. Critics often view India as overbearing, insensitive to the interests of smaller states, and sometimes as a regional bully. While a nuanced perspective suggests that India is not uniformly inconsiderate, its assertive posture is seen as counterproductive. Without ensuring a stable and secure regional environment, India’s ambition for global power status is considered incomplete. Hence, neighboring states advocate for a policy of benign unilateralism, where India acts responsibly, gaining the trust of smaller countries while promoting regional cooperation.

Extra-Regional Actors as Constraining Factors

India’s dominance and the anxiety it generates have led to divergent security perceptions among South Asian states. The region lacks a common threat perception, with India often viewed as the primary source of insecurity. Consequently, countries like Pakistan, and occasionally Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, have sought assistance from external powers to safeguard their security. This involvement of extra-regional actors has complicated regional dynamics and is perceived by India as intrusive, undermining both its strategic interests and regional order.

Lack of Leadership Interest

SAARC has historically suffered from low prioritization by regional leadership. Beyond the initial enthusiasm of President Zia-ur-Rahman of Bangladesh, who spearheaded the initiative in the 1980s, no South Asian leader has significantly advanced the organization. This lack of leadership has contributed to SAARC’s stagnation. Scholars have argued that regional elites have, at times, deliberately widened divisions among member states due to xenophobic considerations or domestic political calculations, further undermining the prospects for regional cooperation.

Use of Force as an Instrument of Foreign Policy

South Asia remains a region where the use of force continues to be a central instrument of foreign policy. SAARC’s existence has not prevented violent conflicts, nor has it effectively resolved disputes. Regional cooperation remains rudimentary, and even minimal conflict management mechanisms are largely absent. Until South Asian countries adopt a more comprehensive approach to regionalism, trust-building and conflict resolution will continue to be limited.

Proposal for Restructuring SAARC

International experience demonstrates that regional security and cooperation thrive under a comprehensive, cooperative, and holistic framework, supported by effective conflict-resolution mechanisms. Models such as the European Union (EU), ASEAN and its ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and African Union (AU) illustrate this principle. In contrast, SAARC has often been reduced to a “meet, greet, and depart” forum, lacking meaningful outcomes. To revitalize SAARC, it is essential to expand the charter and adopt a collaborative, integrative, and all-inclusive security paradigm. The following framework is proposed:

1. South Asia Security Dialogue (SASD)

Inspired by ASEAN Regional Forum, SASD should function under SAARC, including all member states as members, with facilitation from the US, EU, and China. Its primary purpose would be to resolve territorial and non-territorial disputes through specialized working groups (WGs). These WGs, composed of officials, civil society representatives, and global enablers, would analyze, debate, and formulate recommendations for policy-level decision-making. Joint WGs could be formed for intersecting issues, and the progress of each issue should proceed independently to ensure momentum in conflict resolution.

2. South Asia Nuclear Dialogue (SAND)

SAND should be established parallel to SASD with the same membership and facilitation. Its first focus would be nuclear risk reduction and restraint measures between India and Pakistan, promoting the concept of minimum credible deterrence rather than maximum deterrence. Once major regional disputes are addressed, SAND could work towards gradual denuclearization of South Asia.

3. Conventional Arms Reduction Dialogue (CARD)

CARD should address the rising conventional arms and defense expenditures in South Asia, which are often disproportionate to human security needs. By reducing manpower and conventional arsenals, member states could redirect resources to development and human security initiatives. This would also contribute to regional stability while reducing the economic burden of defense spending.

4. South Asian Parliament (SAP)

SAP could serve as a regional forum for interaction and idea exchange. Each member state would contribute ten representatives, selected from former parliamentarians, intellectuals, media professionals, lawyers, and experts. The speakership of SAP would rotate every four years. SAP would provide a platform to deliberate on mutual interests and offer recommendations to member states, fostering closer regional ties.

5. Confidence Building Measures (CBMs)

CBMs are crucial for establishing mutual trust and dialogue-supportive environments. Proposed measures include:

Relaxation of visa requirements and free movement of certain populations, including Kashmiris.
Exchange or release of prisoners as goodwill gestures.
Avoidance of inflammatory statements by national leaders.
Reduction of military forces along borders.

While “people-to-people” gestures are valuable, addressing core territorial disputes is essential for meaningful confidence building, particularly in India-Pakistan relations.

6. People-to-People Contacts (PPC)

PPC aims to overcome historical tensions and cultivate trust at the societal level. It includes:

Inter-parliamentary commissions and dialogues.
Interaction among investors, traders, students, media, academics, and intellectuals.
This approach emphasizes human security over traditional state-centric security, complementing conflict-resolution mechanisms.

7. Multi-Track Diplomacy (MTD)

MTD promotes tension reduction through simultaneous diplomatic tracks:

Track 1: Official state-to-state meetings.
Track 2: Regional diplomatic initiatives involving multiple states.
Track 3: Societal engagement via civil society and citizenry.
Track 4: Involvement of global enablers in Track 1 or 2 or a combination.

8. Intra-Regional Trade

Intra-regional trade in South Asia remains abysmally low. South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) should:

Be universally ratified and implemented.
Include duty-free trade, investment opportunities, and free movement of labor.
Promote human security and economic development, strengthening regional interdependence.

9. Human Security under All Circumstances

SAARC should prioritize human security, even during conflicts, encompassing:

Epidemic control, disaster management, and healthcare.
Education, literacy, and skill development.
Water-sharing, food security, and ethnic conflict resolution.

10. South Asia Literacy Commission (SALC)

Illiteracy is a major human security challenge in South Asia. SALC should:

Operate independently under SAARC.
Be composed of renowned educationists.
Run region-wide literacy campaigns, establish technical and elementary education institutes, and support student mobility among member states.
Be funded through the South Asia Literacy Fund (SALF), ensuring autonomy in management.

11. South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA)

SAFMA should be revived to maintain a dialogue-supportive environment. It should operate with a code of conduct focused on collaboration rather than competition, enhancing communication and awareness across the region.

This proposed restructuring aims to transform SAARC from a symbolic forum into a functional and proactive regional organization, capable of addressing security, economic, human, and societal challenges effectively.

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